The Aspect Cycle

The Aspect Cycle

Premodification Elly van Gelderen 18 June 2019 University of Frankfurt Outline Architecture of the Pre-N DP: expanding DP what-for split in English adjective-ordering and grammaticalization three types of adjectives

Aspect and argument structure of deverbal modifiers Past participles modifying unaccusatives Changes in the AS of past participles The degree/number layer Epstein (1999) And CardP + KindP

The modifier layer Cinque (2010) Demonstratives [i-phi] [i-loc] article [u-phi]

pronoun [i-phi] [u-T] C copula [u/i-T] Features of DP (1)

a. I saw that. b. *I saw the. (2) DP DP that D D NP [i-loc] D NP the [i-ps] 3S [u-phi]

3S Demonstratives (1) demonstrative/adverb > definite article > Case/non-generic > class marker > 0 (2) a. min t ungeslige mod =OE my that unhappy

spirit b. min ungeslige mod (Gregory's Dialogues, 4.9, from Wood, to appear: 15) (3) gife to a munecas of e mynstre =LOE give to the monks of the abbey (Peterborough Chron. 656) (4) To frowne vpon th'enrag'd Northumberland =EModE (2Henry4, Shakespeare) (5) Oh they used to be ever so funny houses you know and in them days They

used to have big windows, but they used to a all be them there little tiny ones like that. (BNC - FYD 72) DP Cycle a. DP b. DP dem D' D' (=HPP)

D NP D NP art N c. DP D' D

NP ^ N renewal Renewal (English, Afrikaans, Fr, Scand) (1) mais ma femme elle vivait ce moment-l encore but my wife she lived at that moment-DEM still `but my wife was still alive at that moment. (Kate

Beeching's corpus) I.1 Melanie Hobichs (2018) work what-for split in Emod English (1)What is he for a Ladde you so lament? (OED 1579, Spenser Shepheardes Cal. Apr. f. 12) (2)When the Lacedemonians enquired, what Xenophon was for a man, he answered, that [etc.]. (OED, 1623, Bingham tr. Xenophon Hist. 136) (3)Consider ... how many, and what for Epistles he sent to this

very City. (OED, 1657, Buccardus Prayse of Peireskius, Gassendi Mirrour of Nobility 265) (4)What is she for a Woman? (OED, 1707, Cibber Comical Lovers i. 10) (5)What are you for a Lover. (OED, 1708, Brit. Apollo 1517 Sept) (6)What is that for a Zenobia? said Hartley. (OED, 1827, Scott Surgeon's Daughter in Chron. Canongate 1st Ser. II. xi. 273) All from non subject-positions So, no anti-locality or indeterminacy violations

Cf. Wat is dat wat voor een person! *Wat gaan voor mensen weg? The wh- is XP b/c of movement. Variants (1) has a gloss: (7)Is he for a ladde) A straunge manner of speaking .s. what maner of Ladde is he? (Glosses of E.K) In the text of (4): (8) what for my being disappointed of your Promise.

(9) what kind of Woman I am to marry. Also: (10) Thise seven yeer hath seten palamoun Forpyned, what for wo and for distresse. `These seven years Palamon has sat wasted by suffering, what for woe and for distress. (Chaucer, KnT 1452) (11) Is he of Gods making? What manner of man? (Sh) Hobichs analysis (Roehrs & Sapp, was as head-Q)

Is CardP KindP in English (and stage II) and wh in Spec? In OE: what + genitive? c897 K. LFRED tr. Gregory Pastoral Care xxi. 164 Hwt is inga e biterre sie on s lareowes mode..onne se anda e for ryhtwisnesse bi upahafen? OE Beowulf 237 Hwt syndon ge searohbbendra, byrnum werede? a1225 St. Marher. 4 Hwet godd heiestu ant hersumest?

a1300 Cursor Mundi 29034 Quat bote is fra mete to min And dedeli for to lig in sin? 1382 Bible (Wycliffite, E.V.) 1 John iii. 12 And for what thing slew he him? c1384 CHAUCER Hous of Fame II. 525 And what sovne is it lyke? quod hee. c1384 CHAUCER Hous of Fame III. 1058 And eueryche cried, what thing is that? And somme sayde, I not neuer what. a140050 Wars Alex. 683 Quat sterne is it at e stody on? a1400 (a1325) Cursor Mundi (Trin. Cambr.) l. 13154 What maner ing Rede I aske of e kyng.

Wh: Kind > Degree Bolinger (1972), Corver (2000), Wood (2002), and Vangsnes (2008) Expansion of upper DP Kind > Card > Degree Kind is above the Modifier layer Wat voor [leuke] boeken

In Emod English, wh = XP and for = KIND I.2 Lydia Grohes work Adjective-ordering (1) opinion size appearance speed age pretty, ugly large soft, sweet fast old shape color round pink

origin material + N Israeli golden Stage Individual// Subjective Objective// Pred-Attr Grammaticalization Expansion of the middle: three Adj + N in COHA

Modification by a noun in COHA Cf. also Biber & Gray 2011 Arguments over adjuncts Biology teacher *ian teacher (Christian, Parisian, ) Grammaticalization

Of the lower adjectives, color could grammaticalize: shape color origin material E.g. (1) green affordable housing (2) Red light/herring/warning/alert (3) A blue mood/life/day (4) Grey wisdom/bleakness Shape and color: misaligned? COCA: 45 round blue; 0 blue round and the earlier

CLMET: 1-0. But for red: COCA: 31 round red; 6 red round and CLMET: 5-3. Colors are secondary qualities, according to John Locke, and whatever reality we, by mistake, attribute to [colors, smells, sounds], are in truth nothing in the Objects themselves, but Powers to produce various sensations in us, and depend on those primary Qualities, viz. Bulk, Figure, Texture, and Motion of parts (1690, Essay II, VIII, 13-14).

L1 Cinque (2010: 36) refers to Blackwell (2001; 2005) for English and Cardinaletti & Giusti 2007 for Italian that individual level (round, pretty, green) adjectives are earlier than stage level (dirty, happy, sad) ones. So closer to the lexical core is first. What about shape & color? Children pay special attention to object shapes (Landau et al 1988)

Expect the reverse order? Middle layer No grammaticalization of color to the left of shape (round + green). round green vs green round in COHA I.3 Priscilla Adenugas (2018) work g has attributive adjectives heading the nominal phrase, and these adjectives are nouns.

More on the adjective layer Attributive: SL and IL Old Norse and Old English From nominalizer, as in g, to a higher slot In Old Norse and Old English: a nominal attributive modifier in n and a postnominal verbal one.

Modern Norwegian and English: No longer nominalizer but higher Weak and strong Weak = nominal and IL (1) au in stru skip Old Norse those DEF big.W ships those big ships (Hkr I.437.13, Faarlund 2004: 82) Nygaard (1906: 48): "[a]djektivet betegner da en

bekjendt egenskab ... eller en egenskap, der tillhrer gjenstanden efter dens natur og vsen" (the adjective denotes a known characteristic or a characteristic that belongs to the thing according to its nature). Strong As are both pre- and post(2)augom manni fyrir wealthy.S man before `before a wealthy man' (Hvaml 70) (3)At hyggiandi sinni scylit mar hrsinn vera

In thought his should.not man boastful.S be `A man shouldn't be boastful in his thought'. (Hvaml 6) These are SL and RC-like van Gelderen & Lohndal (2008) (1)hinn siasta vetr DEF last.W winter the last winter (Gordon 1956) Weak moves but

Strong doesnt Juliens (2005: 281) tree for Mod Norw ON > Mod Norw.: higher position Adjective layer Adjectives: N, V, A Top and post-N: more RC, SL and verbalized Middle pre-N: IL and nominalized Languages differ: is IL Nominal?

Now we turn to high participial/verbal premodifiers. II.1 Past participle premodifiers and aspect They have to be RCs because they depend on the argument structure of the noun so the latter has to be an argument. High tree as in Cinque: Actual participle: modified Kratzer (1994)

Relation to aspect Unaccusative/unergative: well-known I add Sorace Hierarchy and some historical reasons Three basic lexical aspects a. unaccusative, causative: telic/Theme (Causer), e.g. drop, break b. unergative, transitive:

durative/Agent (Theme), e.g. dance c. copula, experiencer subjects: stative/Theme (Experiencer), e.g. feel telic durative - stative telic centers around a Theme (1) The vase broke The wind broke the vase unaccusative causative durative centers around an Agent (2) The president danced She danced the dance

unergative transitive stative has a Theme and experiencer (3) I feared it - It appeared evil subject experiencer copula Acquisition Bloom et al (1980) show that children are conscious of aspectual verb classes very early

on. Thus, ed morphemes go with non-durative events, -ing with durative non-completive activities, and infinitives with stative verbs. Various researchers agree on this, e.g. Broman Olsen & Weinberg (1999) likewise show that a telic verb correlates with the presence of ed and that ing is frequent with dynamic and durative verbs. Eve (Brown 1973) at 1;6

unaccusative unergativetransitive other block broke (fish are) swimming Eve pencil (Neil) sit wait, play, cook I did it down, busy, gone look Eve/you find it Mommy down, open Eve writingsee ya come down, stand dance doll eat celery sit down, fall down Mommy step read the puzzle (finger) stuck Mommy swing? change her

lie down stool man (no) taste it get her/it fix (it)/ Mommy fix bring it want Mommy letter write a paper man/papa have it (you) find it play (step)

that radio Adam (Brown 1973) has drawing at 2;7 and drawed at 4;3, as expected, but many factors are involved. Changes in intransitives Very predictable change: unaccusative > causative (e.g. dropian `drop) unergative > transitive (e.g. cidan `quarrel)

Aspect is stable L1 acquisition: unergative and unaccusative are distinguished early on. Copulas and psych-verbs are more complex Argument structure as pre-linguistic Argument structure and lexical aspect are at the basis of our propositions and, without it, there is no meaning. It is likely that AS is part of our larger cognitive system and not restricted to the

language faculty. Bickerton (1990: 185) suggests that the universality of thematic structure suggests a deep-rooted ancestry, perhaps one lying outside language altogether. If argument/thematic structure predates the emergence of language, an understanding of causation, intentionality, volition - all relevant to determining theta-structure is part of our larger cognitive system

and not restricted to the language faculty. Argument structure is relevant to other parts of our cognitive make-up, e.g. the moral grammar. Gray et al. (2007), for instance, argue that moral judgment depends on mind perception, ascribing agency and experience to other entities. De Waal (e.g. 2006) has shown that chimps and bonobos show empathy, planning, and attribute minds to others.

Now to the premodifiers (1)wilted lettuce, elapsed time, a fallen leaf, an escaped convict, a collapsed tent, burst pipes, rotted wood, sprouted wheat, swollen feet, a rusted car, vanished cultures, and expired passport, a failed bank (2) *a run child, *a coughed patient, *a swum contestant, *a flown pilot, *an exercised athlete, *a cried child, *a sung artist, *a yawned student, *a laughed clown.

Known since Bresnan (1982) but refined by Levin & Rapaport-Hovav (1986) Sorace Hierarchy Change of Location come, arrive, fall UNACC Change of State begin, rise, blossom, die Continuation of a pre-existing state remain, last, survive Existence of State exist, please, belong

Uncontrolled Process cough, laugh, shine Controlled Process (motion) run, swim, walk, ring, rumble Controlled Process (non-motion) work, play, talk UNERG In terms of aspect Telic seems relevant Non-core verbs, stative

(6)a rested face, rested pride, rested body (COCA) (7)Mr. Ford made it clear that he fully supported a remained commitment toward working for continued relaxation of tensions between the two superpowers (COHA news 1975) Specialized meaning (8)a. hoodlums were hired and carried from one precinct to another, given cards bearing floated names, and sent in to vote as many times as the judge of elections. b. A man came in carrying a floated name, announced himself, and got ready to cast his ballot

c. I voted a floated name myself, and I have not to this day seen the address at which .. (all three, Harpers 1931, COHA) Non-core ctd: (9) is specialized as well (9)a. The 10 W has a women's lasted liner and a lower cuff height (COCA, magazine 2003) b. you have this type of foot and need this type of lasted shoe. (COCA, magazine 2002) (10) a. leaving the survived residents with no information on which to rely (COCA, acad 2003)

b. when a cabinet ended due to a scheduled election, I put it in the survived cabinet group (COCA, acad 2013) These verbs will give us insight Levin & Rapaport (1986: 654): [d]istinguishing between the [theta]-roles of the arguments of sleep and rest posses a problem ; it is clear that rest is an unaccusative verb whereas sleep is an unergative verb. Rest: change of state verb. Origin: OE restan means `rest;

sleep; die but a loan from Anglo-Norman arrest ends up looking like the same verb. ME rest could mean `to spoil, become rancid, as in (11) and (12). (11) Tak e venisoun at ys rest & do yt in cold water `Take the venison that is spoiled and put it in cold water. (MED, 1381 Dc.257 Cook.Recipes (Dc 257)73.58/2) (12) Caro rancida: rest flesche. (MED, a1425 Roy.17.C.17 Nominale 662/17) Remained very rare, transitive?

(18) The Remained Ones (film title 2016) (19) A remained roof, or called a hanging roof, is a common problem in sublevel caving. ( https://books.google.com/books?isbn=0128027 045 ) Floated + N is rare, agentive/move (20)and heo fleat ofert wter to lande.

`And she floated over the water to the bank. (Das altenglische Martyrologium, Kotzor II, 25 Dec) (21)ofer ne mgene oft scipu scriende scrinde fleota. `And over the sea, the ships go strongly and swiftly. (Paris Psalter 103.24). (23)No he wiht fram me flodyum feor fleotan meahte `He could never move/swim further than I over the water. (Beowulf 541)

Non-core Stative: marginal and telic helps Verbs of controlled motion: Swim = too agentive Speed = telic Swim (28) Com a to lande lidmanna helm swimod swymman. came then to land seafarers leader strong.mood

swimming `The seafarers leader came to land swimming bold-heartedly. (Beowulf 1624) (29) ne on flode swom. nor on water floated `(so that an ox didnt draw it, nor strong servants), and it didnt float on water either. (Exeter, Riddle 22.13-4) (30) genim doccan oe clatan a e swimman wolde. (c) take sorrel or clote those REL swim would

`Take sorrel or clote such that they float. (Leechdoms, Cockayne, 50.1.1) Speed (31) a. Speeded naming, frequency and the development of the lexicon in Williams syndrome. (COCA acad 2012) b. Several studies have shown that RT in a speeded classification task produce a more sensitive measure (COCA acad 2012) c. Such tests are called partially speeded tests (COCA acad 2004) OE not motion:

(33) Filippe frankne kyng ne spedde naht t ... Philip French king NEG speeded not at `Phillip the French king was not successful at ... (DOE, Ker, 1957 331) And speed is still ambiguous (36)the warmth of the electronics would speed the reaction of the yeast enzymes (COCA 2014) So PP premodifiers follow Sorace Hierarchy if we

take telicity into account. Big picture question: How/why does AS plays a role in modification? Structure Kratzer (1994), Rapp & von Stechow (1999) II.2 Changes in the AS of premodifying past participles Do changes in a verbs argument structure

immediately transfer to the related adjective? (1) a. That alien frightens him. object exp b. He fears that alien. subject exp Late C14 (2) a bodan us frdon the messengers us frightened `The messengers frightened us. (OED, lfric

Deut i. 28) (3)And that schold every wys man fere. And that should every wise man fear. (MED, a1393 Gower CA Frf 3 2.578) Fearful Gentens & Rudanko (2019) focus on the complement choice of the adjective fearful and also show the adjective to have both the old sense of `frightening as well as the newer subject experiencer one of

`afraid in COHA. I examine the history of fearful before COHA and add a discussion on the past participle feared. First the changes. ObjExp to SuExp: loss of telic aspect fran `frighten OE-1480 `fear1400-now lician `please OE-1800 `like 1200-now loathe OE-1600 1200-now marvel 1380-1500 1380-now

relish1567-1794 1580-now Loss of causative iMany object Experiencer verbs are causative: fran < *frjan rjan `frighten `Last ObjExp with `fear (1)e fend move es debletis to fere Cristene [men] fro treue. `The enemy moves these devils to frighten Christian men from the truth. (MED, a1425 Wycl.Serm. Bod 788 2.328)

(2)Thus he shal yow with his wordes fere. `Thus, hell frighten you with his words. (MED, Chaucer TC 4.1483) The addition of result/instrument in ObjExp emphasizes Change of State in the later stages. Lots of telic markers are `helping (1) A womans looke his hart enfeares. A womans look frightens his heart. (OED, 1608) (2) Hou anticrist & his clerkis feren trewe prestis fro

prechynge of cristis gospel. `How the antichrist and his clerks frighten true priests from preaching Christs gospel. (OED, c1380 Wyclif Works) (3) Fere away the euyll bestes. `Frighten the evil animals away. (OED, 1504 Atkinson tr. Ful Treat.) (4) If there were nothing else to feare them away from this play. (OED, 1577) Object Experiencers

Particles etc are helping with the telicity Ambiguity (1)Thou wenyste that the syght of tho honged knyghtes shulde feare me? `You thought that the sight of those hanged knights should frighten me? (MED, a1470 Malory Wks.Win-C 322/17) (2)`Sir,' seyd sir Dynadan ... 'I feare me that sir Palomydes

may nat yett travayle.' `Sir, said Sir Dynadan, I fear that Sir Palomydes cannot yet travel. (MED, a1470 Malory Wks.Win-C 606/17) Loss of Obj Exp -Possibly, the loss of the i- causative -Causer seems unstable, e.g. please -has particles and light verbs in ME

-learned late Acquisition Eve (Brown 1973) has SuExp like, love, want but not ObjExp anger, scare; her hurt is SuExp initially. Eve love crayon (1;9), want mommy letter (1;6), want watch (1;6), want mommy out (1;6), want lunch, want down, want mommy read (1;6) ... but: hurt xxx self (1;7), hurt knee (1;9), I hurt my finger (1;11)

Sarah has early want (2;3), love (2;5), and hurt as in: I hurt again (2;9.6). Her scare is late at 3;7: to scare me on the dark (3;7.16) Current changes: ExpSu>Agent? (1) I am liking/loving/hating it. E.g. in COCA: (2) how I got guard duty and how I'm going to be hating that and totally tired. (3) and I am liking what I see in the classrooms

(4) lately we've been loving broccoli rabe, which (5) And so everybody in town was knowing that this was happening (6) I've been fearing the answers. Renewal of Object Experiencers anger, scare 1200 Old Norse astonish 1375 unclear grieve 1330 French please 1350 Anglo-Norman

irritate 1531 Latin frighten 1666 internal change stun 1700 internal change worry 1807 internal change Agent/Cause and Th > Th/Cause and Exp (1) a. They kill it [a fish] by first stunning it with a knock with a mallet. (OED 1662 J. Davies tr. A. Olearius Voy & Trav. Ambassadors 165) b. The ball, which had been nearly spent before it struck him,

had stunned instead of killing him. (OED, 1837 Irving Capt. Bonneville I. 271) (2) Why doe Witches and old women, fascinate and bewitch children? (OED 1621 R. Burton Anat Melancholy i. ii. iii. ii. 127) Haspelmath (2001), based partly on Cole et al (1980), suggests two changes: (a) Experiencer Objects first acquire subject behavior. (b) Verbs change from concrete to abstract, e.g. fascinate and stun originally mean `to bewitch and `to deprive of consciousness or of power of motion by a blow, respectively

Changes in lexical aspect ObjExp stun >telic SuAg fear `frighten >stative SubExp

see/like/think >durative (mediated by ing?) Now to premodifiers in ME ObjExp (4)Thei the feerful thonder maken. `They make the terrifying thunder. (MED, a1393, Gower CA (Frf 3)7.306) SuExp (5)Wi ferful mod my tale i telle.

`With a fearing heart, I tell my tale. (MED, c1390 Fadur and sone (Vrn)56) This continues (6)Now {Yorke}, or neuer, steele thy fearfull thoughts `Now or never, steel your fearing thoughts. (2H6, 3.1.331) (7)A fearful army, led by Caius Marcius Associated with Ausidius, rages

`A terrifying army, , rages (Cor, 4.6.75) Slow change: what does that mean? The CLMET (1710-1920) confirms this continued use, as does a look at the 66 instances of fearful in the COCA spoken corpus. The noun modified represents the Experiencer, as in (8), but also the older Causer, as in (9). (8)A fearful American public (COCA spoken 2014) (9)that normal' is often a numbing and fearful place

to be (COCA spoken 2001) Very different with past participle = Th (10) he was one of the most feared men in Boston. (COCA spoken 2008) (11) She is seven months pregnant with feared complications (COCA spoken 1990) (12) that person is now ready to take that step and confront the feared situation of their own accord (COCA spoken 2008)

(13) a feared force formed by one of Saddam's sons (COCA spoken 2003) Interesting about feared is that, in the MED, it is not used attributively and is only used in the old meaning of `frightened, as in (14), where the modified noun is the Experiencer of the verb . (14) So fered for berkyng of the dogges, `So frightened by the barking of the dogs, (MED, c1390,

Chaucer CT.NP.B.4576) According to the OED, the first use of feared where the participle modifies a Theme noun is (15) from the 16 th century. (15) Their professed and feared Enemies. (OED, 1599, E. Sandys Europ Speculum) loathe (20) a Cassander t geascade t hio m folce laade, a gegaderade he fird. Then Cassander that asked that they displeased

that people (OED, c893, Orosius Hist. iii. xi. 5) (21) Wel late he lathe uuel werc, e ne mei hit don ne mare. `Very late, he loathes evil doings, that (he) cannot do it anymore. (OED, a1200 Poema Morale 128) Predicative first (22) His compaignye is vn-to folkis lothid. (OED, a1420, Hoccleve De Regimine Principum 542) (23) I demaunde you Scipion and Lelius if the

olde age of such as delited them in the labourage of londes semyth unto you to be wretched or lothfull. (1481, Tiptoft tr. Cicero Tulle on Friendship (Caxton) f 3 b) Changes in lexical aspect (van Gelderen 2018) Unaccusative verbs > adding light verbs + labile and unergatives > transitive

Unaccusatives > copulas Unaccusatives > unergatives; Unergatives > unaccusatives Psych-verbs: ObjExp > SuExp; but not the other way round. Psych-verb and copula: Theme is crucial and stable but aspect is affected by animacy hierarchies. Conclusion to II.2 Feared: lags behind the verb but does change.

Some directions to go with past participles What happens if causer gets added, e.g. to drop? What do the affixes do? able, -ful, -some -able could be with intransitives: you have been deceivable. General conclusion Pre-nominal DP and grammaticalization what-for split in English

adjective-ordering and grammaticalization three types of adjectives Aspect and argument structure of deverbal modifiers Past participles modifying unaccusatives Changes in the AS of past participles

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